The League of Northern Democrats has been at the vanguard of a number of political moves in the country, the latest of which is the role the League is playing in the All Democratic Alliance (ADA) and the coalition that is seeking to unseat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027. The Convener of the League, Dr. Umar Ardo, in this interview by LASISI OLAGUNJU, speaks on these and a number of other national issues.

In an interview in June, you said your group, the League of Northern Democrats (LND) “believes that creating a new party is the way forward” in pushing for a change in 2027. The coalition has since adopted the ADC. How does this decision align with the objective of your group?

That wasn’t LND’s position; it was my own opinion along with many others. Yes, the coalition adopted ADC as well as approved the registration of a new party, the ADA. And the registration process is going on. We are fully ready, only waiting for INEC to open its registration portal as it says it’ll do a few weeks ago. Now the eyes of all Nigerians are on INEC. We are all ready and waiting!

The Patriots led by Chief Emeka Anyaoku recently held a summit in Abuja and recommended a new people-centred constitution for Nigeria along the lines of regionalism. What do you have to say on the proposals?

Wasn’t it regionalism that we violently overthrew in 1966 on the accusations that it wasn’t good for our country? Wasn’t it regionalism that we said encouraged tribalism, sectionalism, segregation and several other vices? When has the system been cured of those vices we accused it of? For me, our national governmental problem is not in the letter of the law; it’s in the operators of the law! Our people are dishonest, disorganised, irresponsible, parochial and self-centered. Let us first cure ourselves of these our personal vices and everything in our governmental system itself will be cured. But so long as we continue with these practices no system of government will ever work in our favour – none! So our problem is not in the system of government we operate; our problem is in the operators of the system.

There was a gathering of northern leaders in Kaduna this week under the auspices of the Ahmadu Bello Memorial Foundation. At that interactive meeting, the Arewa Consultative Forum said the North is being shortchanged by the Tinubu government in all areas. The ACF position was, however, countered by the Northern Governors’ Forum (NGF) which stressed that Tinubu has been fair to the north. Where do you, and the LND belong in this divide?

Of course we belong on the side of the greater people of Northern Nigeria. The North supported President Tinubu and voted him against its own in the belief that it is reciprocating his support for the region in 2015 without which Buhari would never have been elected president. It hoped that as president Tinubu would be equitable and fair to the region as well as to the country. But unfortunately, as we can all see, he isn’t! He clearly showed himself as a tribal leader, with all critical appointments and projects concentrated in his Southwest zone. Each and every institution where finances come in or go out is held by his Yoruba kinsmen. He forgot that 63.68% of his total votes came from the North. Now no northerner is with him. If you observe well, in the Kaduna meeting you are referring to, with about 500 participants, not at one single occasion did 10 people clap to all his many appointees said of his achievements in the North because there are none and every northerner is not happy with him. To tell you the truth, what Bashir Dalhatu read out was not an ACF position; it was the position of the entire North minus Tinubu’s appointees and APC’s apologists, and they’re less than ten thousand throughout the North.

You are in the village as we speak enjoying the peace of rural life. Is that not a proof that security has tremendously improved in that part of the north, the North-East?

I came to the village just for a few hours and nobody knows I’m here. I have since left the village because I cannot afford to sleep here for fear of being kidnapped. Every now and then our people are being kidnapped and killed. As I am talking to you our people are in the hands of bandits and kidnappers. The insecurity in our villages is endemic. Only last Sunday, Boko Haram attacked and killed soldiers and inhabitants of Limankara town in Madagali Local Government Area. So the issue of security in the North is a mirage as far as the truth of the situation is concerned.

In the June interview I spoke about earlier, you spoke on what you described as an “ideology crisis” slowing the coalition’s momentum. Can you clarify what you mean by ideology in this context? Are these primarily tactical or philosophical differences?

The 2027 general elections would be the 8th in the election cycle of Nigeria’s political landscape since 1999. These elections have throughout been dominated by a cadre of elites who, despite their varying party affiliations, have consistently failed to address the systemic issues plaguing the country. In fact, over the years, they actually turned out to be the major problem of the country. The politicians who occupied high echelons of power during this period, with few exceptions, represent a recurring cycle of leadership failures that have entrenched and perpetuated poverty, illiteracy, stark inequality and exacerbated insecurity.

The evidence is clear: the methods, policies and governance paradigms of these “pioneer politicians” have been insufficient to chart a transformative path for the country. As no form of alliance among them will change their political philosophy beyond mere acquisition of power for narrow interests, a major political shift is thus required – a political renewal led by a new generation group with new vision, innovation and moral clarity to redirect the political trajectory of the country!

These “pioneer politicians” simply transformed themselves into the country’s ruling class, or better still ruling oligarchs, but failed to fulfill their promises of development, equity and progress. Under their leadership, the country, and especially the North, though blessed with abundant human and material resources, became a global emblem of unrealized potential, headquarters of poverty and laughing stock of the world. Regardless of their ideological leanings or political parties, they presided over the decline of public infrastructure, the erosion of institutional integrity and the exacerbation of socio-economic disparities. These failures are not incidental but are deeply rooted in their leadership ethos of prioritizing personal gain over collective good.

The pioneer ruling class or oligarchs, acquired and maintained power and clientage through patronage networks, electoral manipulation, subterfuge and the compromise of judicial process. Their governance is marked by what I call “short-termism”, where immediate political gains trump long-term planning. The result is the collapse of the Nigerian society. The populace remain marginalised, their potential stifled by lack of opportunities and systemic neglect.

The Ideological clarification is simple. Clearly, you can see the prevailing methods of governance by the current ruling class has not worked. If Nigerians truly aspire to come out of this situation, they cannot afford to be tethered to the failures of those PDP and APC oligarchs for 25 years now. The envisaged political renewal requires fresh perspectives and approaches, which the PDP and APC leaderships failed to provide. Hence, any alliance of these politicians with a view to either remaining in or returning to power would not be in the best interest of the country. The renewal is not merely a change in individuals but a fundamental shift to usher in new leaderships equipped with fresh ideas, acumen and genuine commitment to public service – a cadre of new leaders that is well informed, globally connected and fair minded to deal with all the component parts of the country!

The urgency for this renewal is underscored by the current deepening national crises. The correlation between poverty, insurgency and governance failures is well-documented. As long as the APC and PDP oligarchs remain in or return to power, the cyclical nature of these issues will persist. Ted Gurr’s assertion that “when expectations go up and results go down, men rebel” is particularly relevant to the current Nigeria’s context. It is the unfulfilled promises of the PDP and APC oligarchs that have overtime bred frustration and disillusionment in society, and ultimately fueled insurgencies, banditry, ethnic tensions and calls for separatism. A new Nigeria demands leadership that is not only competent but also principled – that will emphasize meritocracy, where leaders are determined by capability, character and vision rather than patronage or affiliation; that will prioritize economic decentralization to bridge the gap between the rich and the poor by implementing policies that ensure equitable distribution of resources and opportunities; that will strengthen democratic institutions to guarantee credible elections, uphold the rule of law and ensure judicial freedom; that will ensure social integration by promoting inclusive policies that address the root causes of ethnic and religious divisions; and that will entrench educational and technological advancement by harnessing education and technology to drive innovation, improving governance and creating wealth and opportunities for everyone.

This transformative leadership can only emerge if elites of good standing, knowledgeable, patriotic and progressive actively participate in the political process. The current disengagement of such elites from politics must be reversed through deliberate efforts of creating an environment that is conducive to their involvement. The pathway to this renewal begins with a collective acknowledgment of the failures of the past and a resolute commitment to forge a different future. It requires building enduring political networks that promote dialogue, consultation and collaboration among such elites, creating strategic influence in Nigeria’s politics. This will both facilitate the formation of a new political party that will serve as the platform for genuine democratic engagement rather than a vehicle for personal ambition and systematically accelerate the dismantling of the structures that enabled the dominance of the old guard. The formation and registration of the All Democratic Alliance is an attempt to create such pathway for our country.

You were or are involved in the formation of a new party called ADA. How does your vision for establishing that new party differ in ideological terms from the option to fuse into ADC?

The fusing into ADC is mostly led by the old guard to fulfill self-ambition. And as you can see above, the formation of ADA is to create a national renaissance. While the two are both approved by the Coalition, they however differ in approach. Nonetheless, they are self-complementary in their objective to effect change in the leadership of the country.

Do you see these internal ideological divisions as temporary growing pains or deeper fractures that might threaten coalition cohesion?

In politics one needs everyone’s support and contribution. Even though the two approaches differ ideologically, we also need each other to succeed.

What do you consider the most compelling advantages of registering a new platform (ADA) versus merging with an existing party, the ADC? Critics argue that merging into an established party is more efficient. How do you respond to that, especially regarding logistics, resources, and party recognition?

ADA is fresh with no encumbrances, with no owners, no joiners, with a level playing ground for everyone. ADA has no risk of legal or political liabilities. ADA has the opportunity of testing the institutional credibility of INEC in the registration exercise and testing the judiciary in the process, thus creating the bases for electoral and judicial reforms. ADC lacks all these advantages.

Reports suggest that presidential ambitions of key opposition leaders: Atiku, Obi, Amaechi, will inhibit or are already inhibiting consensus in the coalition. From your perspective, how should the opposition handle these delicate ambitions?

Let the people determine their own candidates for the presidency through a free and fair primaries. And that is where the registration of a new party makes all the difference. In a new party there’ll be less manipulation, but in fusion the chances of manipulation are high.

Is there a preferred candidate that the LND supports? Where, north or south should the next president come from?

No, LND has no preferred candidate. LND has its set of priorities for the North. Any candidate that will give them to us, we will go for him or her.

You mentioned less than 38 per cent voter turnout in 2023 and the gap between registration and actual voting. How would a new party energize those non-voting Nigerians?

We will energize our people through serious and concerted efforts in advocacy. Once we identify our candidates we’ll go all out to bring out our people on Election Day. We will do everything possible to ensure change in the voter apathy.

Critics of what you people are doing have described the coalition as a platform for elite ambition over national purpose. They argue that the coalition lacks vision and might inadvertently aid Tinubu’s return. How would you respond to those concerns?

I think my answer to your previous question has adequately explained this situation. I believe it’s sufficient for this question too.

Despite all these concerns, you’ve expressed confidence that the coalition “will stand.” What gives you that confidence at this stage?

My confidence stems from the poor performance of the government, the clear partiality of the president in favour of his kinsmen and against our people, the pervasive hunger and poverty ravaging our people that have been engineered by the government and the sheer determination of our people to effect a change in not only the leadership but also the trajectory of the country.

If at the end of all these efforts, a consensus cannot be reached on a presidential flag-bearer, what is your group’s fallback plan?

We would like to have a consensus, but if we cannot then free, fair and transparent primaries should be able to resolve the issues. We should all be good team players to accept defeat with equanimity. This shouldn’t be a problem.

Ultimately, if the coalition fails to coalesce into an effective entity strong enough to defeat the incumbent, what is lost, for both the opposition and Nigeria’s democratic future?

This scenario is highly unlikely to play out.

Why is the North complaining loudly now about its challenges but was largely quiet throughout the eight years of Muhammadu Buhari?

The North was never silent on Buhari. Personally, I was among the loudest critics of the Buhari regime for both public and personal reasons. Being mainly responsible for the formation of the APC and his fourth contest, I felt personally responsible for his victory into office, for which his failure to deliver good governance was an indictment to my efforts. I therefore criticized him for this failure. But on the other hand, Buhari was by far better than Tinubu in his appointments and projects. He wasn’t as nepotistic as President Tinubu in his governance.

Sir, in your answer to the last question, you said you were “mainly responsible for the formation of the APC and Buhari’s fourth contest”. Can you explain what you mean here, sir?

If you remember on the 13th of April 2011, while closing his presidential campaign under CPC, Buhari broke down and cried and stated that if he lost that election he won’t ever contest again. On 16th we went to the polls and elected the president, on 18th Attahiru Jega announced Jonathan as winner. As far as Buhari’s avowal of the 13th is concerned therefore that was the end. It was I that approached him and convinced him to change his mind and gave him the winning strategy for 2015. It was I that sent him to Tinubu for an alliance in which Buhari was to be the president and Tinubu the Vice President. Tinubu made this public in his famous Abeokuta declaration where he stated that Buhari approached him and offered him the vice presidency. Tinubu only knew that Buhari approached him but he didn’t know what happened to make Buhari approach him. It was I that sent Buhari to him. I wrote a book on this subject matter. (Nigerian Tribune)