Dr Monday Onyekachi Ubani is a human rights lawyer and activist. A policy analyst, Ubani is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and former Vice-President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA). He speaks with KUNLE ODEREMI on the politics of 2027, power rotation, conduct of the political class, among other issues. Some excerpts:

MOST people have been wondering why most challenges confronting Nigerians remain intractable in spite of promises by successive administrations to restore hope for a new dawn. What do you think are those things that the country has not been doing right that have made it seem to be perpetually at a crossroads?

Nigeria’s persistent failure stems from a combination of poor leadership, institutional decay, endemic corruption, and a lack of visionary planning. At the heart of our crisis is a disconnect between leadership and the governed. We are at a crossroads because our leaders often prioritise ethnic loyalty, patronage, and personal enrichment over national interest. Critical sectors like education, healthcare, infrastructure, and justice are underfunded or politicized, creating a cycle of poverty, insecurity, and underdevelopment. We have failed to build a national ethos anchored on meritocracy, accountability, and patriotism.

There is a persistent blame game on the predicament of the country. While some leaders claim that all Nigerians are responsible for the precarious state of the nation, some put the blame at the doorstep of the leaders. To what extent do you agree with such an assertion?

While leadership carries the lion’s share of the blame, it is true that many Nigerians, especially the elite, have also contributed to the rot. Voters sell their conscience for peanuts during elections. Civil servants connive in corruption. Professionals compromise standards. Religious and traditional leaders endorse incompetence for patronage. So, yes, the malaise is systemic. However, responsibility is not equally shared. Leaders, by virtue of the power and resources they control, must take greater responsibility for the state of the nation.

You said the problem of the country is systemic and that there is the need for shared responsibility. In specific terms, what does Nigeria need to rediscover itself so that it can occupy its rightful place in the Comity of Nations?

Nigeria must first undergo a moral rebirth. We need strong institutions, not strongmen. The country must embrace merit over mediocrity and fairness over favouritism. For example, Rwanda, though smaller, rose from genocide to global admiration through visionary leadership and institutional reform. Similarly, Singapore transformed from a third-world country to a first-world economy through discipline and strategic investment in education and infrastructure. Nigeria must invest in human capital, embrace technology, fight corruption sincerely, and reform its justice system to ensure accountability and equity.

There were high public expectations at the dawn of civil rule in 1999, due to the dark era of military interregnum in the country. Today, the situation in most critical areas of human capital development is not too encouraging. So, why have the economic gains and self-actualisation people envisaged have not materialised, despite the avalanche of opportunities embedded in democracy?

Democracy, in itself, does not guarantee prosperity. It must be anchored on the rule of law, good governance, and economic inclusiveness. Nigeria’s democratic experiment has largely been transactional. Elections are seen as pathways to wealth, not service. The public sector is bloated and inefficient. Despite two decades of democracy, the dividends have only reached a privileged few, while the masses grapple with unemployment, inflation, and insecurity. The political class has largely captured the state to serve their own interests.

We have had a harvest of cases relating to malfeasances across board under a system that is supposed to promote and institute the virtues of good governance. Or are you convinced that the political class has demonstrated the vision, capacity, and will to lead and steer the ship of the state in the right direction, after years of what some observers called the locust invasion of the corridors of power in Nigeria?

Unfortunately, the ruling elite have generally failed to demonstrate the needed vision or competence. Leadership remains a recycling of the same individuals who have contributed little to national development. Many in power lack the intellectual depth and political courage to make tough but necessary decisions. The “locust years” continue because the structures that enable impunity have remained intact. However, there are exceptions,state governors like Dr Alex Ottiof Abia, His Excellency, Mr. Peter Mbah of Enugu State, Governors of Borno, Kaduna, and Akwa Ibom appear outstanding. Past Governors like Godswill Akpabio of Akwa Ibom and Raji Fashola, Ambode of Lagos State of the past showed what purposeful leadership can do. We need more of such men and women in power at the various tiers of governance.

Do you see any correlation among the following: constitution review, democratic institutions, leadership quality, and governance in relation to the situation in the country?

Absolutely. These components are interconnected. A flawed constitution creates weak institutions; weak institutions enable poor leadership; and poor leadership undermines governance. For example, Section 308 of the Nigerian Constitution gives immunity to certain office holders, thereby shielding many from prosecution. Strengthening institutions like the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the judiciary, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and the civil service requires a constitutional framework that promotes independence and accountability. Governance will improve when we reform the constitution to reflect true federalism, devolution of powers, and checks and balances.

Has the Tinubu government been fair to all the six geopolitical regions in the country, in terms of key appointments and resource allocation and project distribution?

There have been concerns about imbalance, especially in federal appointments. Critics point to the dominance of the South-West in key positions such as the President, Security Heads, Agency Heads, Minister of Finance, and others. While the North has received some attention, especially in military appointments, regions like the South-East and parts of the South-South feel marginalized. Equity in appointments and projects is essential to foster national unity. A president is a national leader, not a sectional one, and must reflect the federal character in all actions.

A few days ago, there was a major gathering in Kaduna, where some prominent persons from the North expressed the view that the All Progressives Congress-led federal government has reneged on its campaign promises to the area. Do you agree with Arewa Consultative Forum in particular on its claim that the North has been sidelined by the administration?

The ACF’s concerns cannot be dismissed lightly, but they should be viewed in context. The North held power for eight years under President [Muhammadu] Buhari, during which time many Southern groups felt excluded. Now, under President Tinubu, there appears to be a tilt towards the South-West. What Nigeria needs is a balanced and inclusive governance approach. Perceptions of marginalization, whether from North or South, only fuel distrust and division. The President must act swiftly to correct any real or perceived imbalance.

There are agitations and counter-agitations on power rotation for the next political dispensation. Some groups and individuals insist power should remain in the South until 2031 when the South would have produced president for the maximum two terms of eight years. What is your view on the North’s agitation to reclaim the presidency in 2027?

The rotation of the presidency is a political necessity, not a constitutional provision. It has helped manage Nigeria’s diversity and prevent domination by one group. Having had a northern president for eight years, equity and balance require the South to complete its turn. Any agitation for the power shift must wait until the South completes eight years under Tinubu. Sustaining national stability should outweigh the desperation for power. The North should focus on strengthening internal democracy, human capital, and supporting inclusive development.

Do you see the coalition of political leaders, under the African Democratic Congress (ADC) defeating President Bola Tinubu in 2027 and why?

While coalition politics can be potent, history has shown that mere alliances without a clear ideology or unity of purpose often fail. The ADC-led coalition must present a credible alternative, a clear vision, and a united front to be viable. Nigerians are increasingly discerning and demand performance, not rhetoric. If the coalition is built on shared interests, not just opposition to Tinubu, and if it resonates with the youth and grassroots, it may be a force to reckon with. But as of now, the road is uphill. Every factor favours President Tinubu’s re-election in 2027 unless God rules otherwise. (Sunday Tribune)