In recent times, there have been persistent calls for the re-introduction of regional system of government in Nigeria, to replace the present 36-state structure. The proponents of this call say that state-structure and its financial component is too heavy a burden for states to bear. This is consequent upon the fact that most states cannot pay workers’ salaries, despite the provision of a ‘bail-out’ fund granted many of them by the Federal Government. I do not agree with that class of argument. The financial burden, as presently experienced by states in the federation, is a clear case of utter recklessness on the part of the civil authorities. The proponents of this line of argument, therefore, feel that it is right and proper to collapse states into regions, as it was the practice in the late 1950s up to mid 60s.

The argument for regional system of government, based on the empirical evidence, gave credence to not just rapid infrastructural development but, indeed, encouraged human development. It was in the era of regional government that we have the first generation universities; education was given prime place in the history of the country. Those were the days of Federal Government scholarships, state governments’ scholarships, Students’ Loan Board, and local council scholarships. Are these educational opportunities still available today? I doubt. Most roads, which still endure till date, were constructed during that era. Can we easily forget that it was this period that the first television station in Africa was established? Sporting activities were encouraged with the building of Liberty Stadium in Ibadan and Ahmadu Bello Stadium in Kaduna. The regional governments had their conglomerates, which ran profitably such as the Northern Nigeria Development Corporation (NNDC) with headquarters in Kaduna, the Western Nigeria Development Corporation (later, Oduduwa Group of Companies), with headquarters in Ibadan and, of course, the Eastern Nigerian Development Corporation in Enugu.

Agriculture was the mainstay of the Nigerian economy then. In the North, there was the “hides and skin” and the groundnuts pyramid in Kano. In West, there was cocoa for export. In the East was the coal in commercial quantity in Enugu. All of these, not only provided gainful employment for the teeming Nigerian workers but were also sources of foreign revenue to the respective governments. Indeed there were healthy developmental competitions among the three regions then.

Electricity Corporation of Nigeria (ECN), as it was then known, was very efficient and reliable. At that time, the word ‘generator’ was alien to Nigerians. By the way, ECN was the precursor to the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA, after it was merged with Niger Dams Authority). It became a ‘sleeping organisation,’ totally inefficient, and lost direction. The situation has not improved even till date.

During the regional era, government workers were dedicated, honest, efficient, sincere and reliable in their official dealings with members of the public. They were contended with their monthly earnings and judiciously planned their family lives in conformity with their take-homes at the end of the month. The words ‘bribery’ and ‘corruption’ were unknown in labour lexicon. Those were the days of genuine commitment to governance. Those at the top thought less of themselves, but were more concerned about the people they governed and religiously implement developmental programmes that directly impacted on the masses. The revenue generated by each region was in proportion to its economic base. And it was judiciously and prudently applied to the various subheads. It is important to add that the Nigerian population was something in the region of about 65-million. Today, the population has grown exponentially, hitting almost 200 million. These are just synopsis of what the regional system of government was able to achieve.

The historical evolution of states began with the collapse of regional structure (in 1967) during the era of Gen Yakubu Gowon (retd), giving way to the of 12-states-structure. The interior reason for creating the 12-state-structure, according to the Federal Military Government (FMG), as it was then known, was to bring governance closer to the people for purposes of rapid and even development. Did government achieve its aims and objectives? To a large extent, yes, it did. Fortunately, during that era, there was the discovery of oil. Consequently, there was plenty of money to implement laudable developmental programmes, including, though, painfully execution of the civil war. The Federal Military Government implemented laudable and landmark projects which still endure till date. Let us name just few. They introduced Federal Housing Authority (FHA) which, (though some now annihilated largely due to recklessness on the part of those entrusted to run it) embarked on massive housing programmes across the country. Most of the present refineries were built during this era. Need we mention the Murtala Muhammed International Airport in Lagos and Aminu Kano Airport in Kano. All these were healthy developments that provided gainful employment and consequently grew the economy. Political appointments were based and carried out because it was genuinely necessary. No sentiment attached to it. In fact, political appointments were sparingly made because there was absolute need, not employment based on political consideration. This approach to appointments was sustained throughout the military regime. Were there ghosts workers then? Perhaps, yes, but you hardly hear of it as you commonly hear it today. Were there padding, a new entrant into the lexicon, in the budgeting system? That cannot happen in a military administration. There was no legislative arm of government in the military administration. In fact, padding was unknown then.

Return to democracy

The military relinquished power to a civilian government in 1979. For purposes of education, there were six political parties then. Namely, Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) with late Chief Obafemi Awolowo as its presidential candidate and National Party of Nigeria (NPN) with Alhaji Shehu Aliyu Shagari, a one-time Federal Commissioner of Finance under General Yakubu Gowon, as its presidential candidate. Shagari took over from Awolowo as Federal Commissioner for Finance, when he resigned his appointment as a federal cabinet member.

There was also the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) with late Dr Nnamdi Azikwe as its presidential standard-bearer. Late Alhaji Ibrahim Waziri, apostle of ‘politics without bitterness’, was founder and presidential candidate of the Greater Nigerian Peoples Party (GNPP). Waziri actually founded NPP but had to leave the party due to ‘irreconcilable differences.’ The Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) was founded by late Alhaji Aminu Kano. He too was the presidential flag-bearer of the party. The sixth party was the Nigeria Advance Party (NAP). The juggernaut himself, Dr Tunji Braithwaite (of blessed memory) was its financier and presidential candidate. The party did not win any seat. So it was generally assumed there were five parties in the Second Republic.

The political umpire was then known as Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO), headed by Justice Ovie Whisky. Before his appointment, he was Chief Judge of the defunct Bendel State. At that time in 1979, there was 19-state-structure. The general elections in 1979 recorded the following results: the National Party of Nigeria won seven states, including winning the presidential election, which was rigorously contested up to the Supreme Court by the presidential candidates of UPN and GNPP. UPN won five states: former Oyo, Lagos, Ogun, old Ondo, and old Bendel. NPP won three states: former Anambra, Imo and old Plateau. GNPP won Gongola and Borno states, while PRP won former Kano and then Kaduna states. Painfully, the Governor of Kaduna, Alhaji Balarabe Musa, was impeached. The NPN had majority in the Kaduna State House of Assembly. So it was easy to successfully carry out the impeachment plan. That was the beginning of impeachment saga in Nigerian political history. I have deliberately gone into this detail to bring home to our younger compatriots who may not know of this political evolution.

And, of course, the civilian administration came with it unnecessary employment-based appointments, largely ‘jobs for the boys’ syndrome. Consequently, this led to over-bloated wage-bills by various governments. The NPN-led Federal Government, barely six months in office, created a nomenclature known as Presidential Liaison Officers (PLOs) in all the states of the federation. The PLOs had all manners of retinue of officials, and it was something that could be described as running a parallel government or plainly put, competing with state governors. In any case, in Oyo State, the late Chief Bola Ige, as Executive Governor of old Oyo State, vehemently opposed such open interference by the NPN-led central government.

In fact, some states, particularly those controlled by NPN, also created a nomenclature known as Gubernatorial Liaison Officers (GLOs) at local government levels in their states. This was the beginning of over-bloated payroll and advent of ghost workers.

How would one explain a situation where a state governor has over 2,000 special advisers and senior assistant advisers, most of whom had no job schedule, no offices, but were given exotic official cars with drivers? Each of these Advisers has a retinue of staff with no offices, with their private sitting rooms serving as offices. At the end of the month, these unproductive government officials are paid huge salaries and allowances for doing nothing. Such reckless spending permeates other areas of governance too numerous to mention. That is the case in many states of the federation: waste of resources, utter misapplication of funds.

In fact, in many cases, civil servants were (and still are) employed not because there are genuine need for such but, largely, due to political considerations. I have seen cases where you have five officials to just one office table and chair. The first to come to office occupied the chair that day, yet these officials are paid at the end of the month.

We urgently need quality leaders. We need leaders who are focused, visionary, committed to their oaths of office. We need leaders whose drive and zeal are to propel development. Leaders, quality leaders, who think more of those they lead and less of themselves. We need leaders who will create the enabling environment for youths and unemployed graduates to acquire professional skills that will equip them for entrepreneurial ventures. We need leaders with the fear of God. More than ever before, there is the urgent need for attitudinal change in all ramifications of governance in Nigeria: it has to start from the top to bottom approach.

Conclusion

I do not subscribe to the idea that we should revert to regional system of government. There is absolutely nothing wrong with the states-structure. Rather, we should curtail our spending habits; those that govern us should show proper sense of accountability and commitment to their offices and the people they lead.

In view of this, I respectfully recommend the following: First, there should be a constitutional amendment to consider these and other viable considerations. I suggest a Constituency Assembly should be inaugurated with a time-frame essentially for this purpose. I do not think the National Assembly will do a thorough job, since they are the first casualty in all of this.

I have always thought ministries such as Agriculture, Education, Niger Delta, Investment, Environment, Housing, and Water Resources should be scrapped and taken over by respective states. The nomenclature ministers in those ministries should be scrapped.

The ministries above should assume the nomenclature of agencies, with a director-general as head, not a minister. No governor should have more than 10 special advisers. The President should have not more than 20 special advisers. The National Assembly should be streamlined: the House of Representatives should be scrapped totally. The Senate should remain, but they should function on part-time basis.

The present revenue allocation formula should be revisited and adjusted to accommodate the additional ministries in states.

Interventionist agencies like the Ecological Agency should be properly funded and function well, especially in the South-East and other places in the country.

•Bernard Balogun writes from Wuse District of Abuja. He can be reached via bernardbalogun1@yahoo.com

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