I have in the last quarter of a century (since 2001) written dozens of columns on how ancient animosities have fed a spiral of violence in Plateau State. ‘Fire from the Mountains,’ followed the July 2012 brutal killing of then Chairman of the Senate Committee on Health, Gyang Dantong, and then Majority Leader of the Plateau State House of Assembly, Gyang Fulani, by gunmen during a mass burial for victims of an earlier attack on villages in Barkin Ladi and Riyom local government area. ‘A Cycle of Multilateral Killings’ recounted the anguish of thousands of people being gruesomely murdered or maimed, communities razed, huge swarths of farmlands destroyed and hundreds of thousands made perpetual refugees in their own country. There have been numerous others.

Within the same period, the United States-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) has done several extensive reports on what started as an economy/ecology problem before ethnic and religious dimensions, combined with old grievances, ignited the violence that has refused to go away. Some of these publications include, ‘Jos: A City Torn Apart’, ‘Nigeria: Revenge in the Name of Religion: The Conflict in Yelwa’, ‘Leave Everything to God: Accountability for Inter-Communal Violence in Plateau and Kaduna States, Nigeria’ etc. In one of their reports, HRW indicted authorities in our country for “taking no meaningful steps to address underlying grievances” or bring to justice those responsible for the massacre of innocent people, “often in horrific circumstances”.

The main concern now is that several of our communities across the country have today become killings fields. Only on Monday, former Senate President David Mark decried the killings in Otukpo, Agatu, Apa and many other communities in Benue State where he hails from. On Tuesday, both the Kebbi Governor, Nasir Idris, and his Borno counterpart, Babagana Zulum, cried out about the growing capacity of criminal gangs in their respective states. While the former lamented that the Lakurawa group seems to be gaining more ground, Zulum’s concern is about Boko Haram resurgence. “Many military locations were dislodged, especially in Wulgo, Sabongari, Wajirko among others,” Zulum said in Maiduguri. “It seems we are losing ground, and this is a very important thing that we need to discuss.”

But my immediate concern is in Plateau State and what Governor Caleb Mutfwang has described as genocidal killings. As of last weekend, the death toll from the massive attacks launched on Mangor, Tamiso, Daffo, Manguna, Hurti, and Tadai communities in Bokkos Local Government Area (LGA) of the state had risen to 52. This followed the recovery of more corpses by search teams after combing nearby bushes for missing persons. “As I am talking to you, there are not less than 64 communities that have been taken over by bandits on the Plateau between Bokkos, Barkin Ladi and Riyom local government areas,” Mutfwang said on Tuesday. “They (communities) have been taken over, renamed, and people are living there conveniently on lands they pushed people away to occupy.”

I must commend Mutfwang for the mature manner in which he has handled the crisis in the last two years and for urging restraint in response to the latest killings. “We strongly urge citizens to exercise restraint and refrain from taking the law into their own hands,” said the state Commissioner of Information and Communication, Joyce Ramnap, who confirmed that some arrests have been made in connection with the attacks. “We call on religious, traditional, and community leaders to reinforce the message of peace, unity, and lawful engagement.”

As it is with all problems that result from a mix of land, ethnicity and religion, there are no easy solutions to the perennial crisis in Plateau State. But the bigger issue is that the Nigerian state seems to be losing the capacity for its primary responsibility: security of lives and property. In its latest report, the Cheta Nwanze-led SBM Intelligence revealed how the escalating conflict between herders and farming communities in the Middle Belt has not only spread South but also now threating the fabrics of our country. “Nigeria’s pastoral conflict has evolved from localised grazing disputes into one of the country’s most pressing security challenges, now affecting multiple regions and threatening national stability,” the SBM wrote. “The violence, primarily between Fulani herders and farming communities, has spread southward from its Middle Belt epicentre, intensifying in states like Edo and Ondo while maintaining its devastating grip on Benue, Nasarawa and Plateau.” The crisis “has also metastasised, merging with banditry and kidnapping networks. Disturbingly, complicity within affected communities – including alleged intelligence-sharing with attackers for financial gain – has complicated counter-violence efforts.”

Beyond the situation in Plateau State, it is also important for the federal government to pay attention to what is happening in rural communities across the country. “Most of the herdsmen you see all over the place, whether in the north or south…are employees of a larger terror network. They kidnap but the ransom does not go to them”, a senior security officer once told me as I recounted in my 2021 column, ‘Criminal Cartels on the Loose’, which dwelt on the complexities of our national security challenge. “Many of them are from Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso…That these kidnappers kill, maim and rape is bad enough. That they are identified as belonging to a certain ethnic colouration is the problem,” I wrote back then.

Now that we have descended to the level in which retired military Generals are creating WhatsApp groups for the purpose of contributing ransom money to pay kidnappers for the release of their colleagues, I don’t know how much lower we can sink as a nation. But the bigger issue is the profiling that comes with this criminality. When a national security challenge is framed around identity, as it is in Nigeria today, its management requires more than a knee-jerk approach. I just hope President Bola Tinubu and his team can appreciate that before it is too late.

Kehiku’s Wedding, Irabor’s Reunion Soiree

‘Segun, come here!’ The voice was unmistakable. But as I greeted Mr. Eluem Emeka Izeze, who took a gamble on me with the job of a Staff Reporter at The Guardian Newspaper two months after my NYSC Primary assignment in December 1990, I heard another familiar voice, ‘Just look at you!’ It was Mrs. Ruth Benamaisia-Opia, the ageless veteran broadcaster of the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) fame. And then, other old faces began to appear in what became a festival of the movers and shakers of Nigerian journalism of a certain generation.

I was in Owa-Oyibu, in the Agbor area of Delta State last weekend to attend the wedding of Kehiku Toluwalase Irabor to his heartthrob, Nadia. Although Kehiku had his own crowd, including from the Diaspora, they were overwhelmed by those who were there for his wonderful parents, Nduka and Ebele Irabor. In fact, most of the guests were from Irabor’s two and a half constituencies: Media and Football with the half being politics, having been a member of the House of Representatives for eight years between 1999 and 2007.

As an aside, the report for which Irabor went to jail 41 years ago has been confirmed to be accurate. It all started in April 1984, four months after toppling the Second Republic, when Major General Muhammadu Buhari (now, former president) promulgated Decree 4 (Public Officers Protection Against False Publications). The law empowered the federal military government to close any media house deemed to be ‘acting in a manner detrimental to national interest’ and jail journalists for any reports that ‘bring government officials into ridicule or disrepute.’ It was under this draconian law that Irabor and Tunde Thompson were tried and jailed for refusing to divulge the source of a story about ambassadorial postings.

In his 2022 memoir, ‘All Eyes on Me’ (for which I wrote the foreword), Major General Haldu Hananiya (rtd) revealed how he was initially listed to be posted to Washington DC until the American State Department said they would not accept a serving General as Nigerian ambassador. “That was when it was decided I would be posted to the United Kingdom as the High Commissioner.” But before the postings were released, Irabor and Thompson broke a story in The Guardian that IBM Haruna (then also a serving General) would replace Hananiya as High Commissioner to the UK. Meanwhile, the reporters had no inkling about the cold calculations that informed the decision which then explained why the leakage riled the Buhari-Idiagbon regime.

In his recollection, Hananiya wrote about some ethno-religious cold calculations prior to the posting: “I didn’t pay much attention to the rumour until The Guardian broke the story about IBM Haruna replacing me. It was the story that sent Nduka Irabor and Tunde Thompson to prison. It was because Buhari and Idiagbon were embarrassed that their plan leaked that they enacted Decree Four to punish the journalists. Of course, there were denials, but I later confirmed the story to be true. There was indeed an attempt to replace my name with Haruna. But for the story, they probably would have posted me to another country and send Haruna to the UK. But following the publication, which they denied, I went to the UK.”

All that, of course, is now history but then, Irabor is a man of history, especially when it comes to military rule in Nigeria. In a recent memoir, General Ibrahim Babangida denied authorising the statement released by Irabor – who was spokesman to then Chief of General Staff (Babangida’s deputy), the late Admiral Augustus Aikhomu – annulling the June 12 (1993) presidential election. Irabor is yet to speak on the issue but in a WhatsApp exchange with Awosemo three weeks ago, he made humour of it. “The Duke, as a news man, I heard there is a wedding in the family,” Awosemo, another NTA veteran who was also Manager, Media and Public Relations at Addax Petroleum Development (Nigeria) Ltd before becoming the Deputy Managing Director at ARISE Television, had written to Irabor. “Your sources are issuing unsigned, badly written statements on scrap paper”, replied Irabor who added two laughter emoji. “Of course, I would appreciate the honour of your presence at my son’s marriage ceremony…There will be a soiree to welcome my personal guests at my country home on April 4.”

With my sister, Ebele, as usual, playing the perfect hostess, it was indeed a weekend to remember in Agbor. A time for reminiscences on the ‘good old days’ – the risks many of us took during the military era as well as all the ‘other things’ not fit for print. When I told Dr Chidi Amuta last Saturday that I was in Agbor with many old colleagues, he sent a terse response: “Time passes. You all will soon graduate into the league of grandpas and grandmas.” So true. And many of us are gladly looking forward to that transition as we reflect on the time when men were boys. This life!

• You can follow Segun Adeniyi on his X (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and onwww.olusegunadeniyi.com

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