Nigeria’s political landscape since the beginning of the Fourth Republic, has witnessed key and significant phases. One of them is the metamorphosis of political godfatherism from mentorship to control.

Like Chinua Achebe’s assertion in ‘Things Fall Apart’, that “…since men have learned to shoot without missing, he (Eneke, the bird) has learned to fly without perching,” Nigerian politicians have devised means to beat the nation’s changing political landscapes.

Amidst the many challenges suffocating the people, unhealthy rivalry, extreme battle for political survival and destructive open warfare between political godfathers and their successors in Nigeria, appear to have taken the centre stage, unfortunately. It has become a case of ‘one day, one trouble’.

From Delta to Rivers State, Nasarawa to Bayelsa, the tunes are the same; godfathers are at war with their adopted political godsons, cum successors. Though they’re often quick to deny such claims, the realities on ground usually betray them.

The raging fights have also underscored the sustainability or otherwise of godfatherism in Nigeria. While ordinary folks may dismiss the practice as undemocratic, those within the corridors of power strongly hold different views.

Godfatherism is a term used primarily in Nigeria to refer to “wealthy and powerful figures who exert political influence behind the scenes, while often remaining out of the limelight.”

In Nigeria, godfathers determine the shape, size and otherwise of the administrations of their protégé. The day the political godson attempts to become his own man, hell will be let loose.

Another school of thought sees political godfatherism as a form of political corruption. In today’s Nigeria’s political spectrum, it is technically impossible to win any elections without the active support of a political god-father.

Historically, political godfatherism started with nationalist activities of the 1950s. Then, the educated elite which constituted just six percent of the total Nigerian population championed the struggle for Nigeria’s independence. The educated elite, most of whom had only primary education, were respected for their knowledge and bravery in confronting the white man.

It became widespread in Nigerian political movements in the 1960s, and early post-independence, where leaders became political godfathers. The action of political fathers was obvious with the advent of civilian rule in 1979.

At the advent of the Fourth Republic in 1999, godfatherism was at its lowest, owing largely to decades of military rule. It became prevalent in 2007, when governors who had served for two terms of eight years and President Olusegun Obasanjo left office.

Determined to have a firm grip on the goings-on after their exit, they hand-picked their successors. Unfortunately, a good number of them fell out with their successors a few months after leaving office. Beside President Bola Ahmed Tinubu who still maintains a firm grip on Lagos State politics, other contemporaries of his who attempted to assert their god-father status, have since been retired.

Rivers State

Former governor of Rivers State, and current minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike and his estranged political godson, Sim Fubara are currently at war. Unlike other disagreements between former governors and their successors which are often shrouded in secrecy, the raging battle between Wike and Fubara has since snowballed into a major national discussion.

Nigerians, in their characteristic manner, are deeply divided on who is right or wrong. But not so for political pundits and victims of betrayal. For them, Fubara has cut off the golden hand that fed him.

Like many godsons, Fubara was very obscure when Wike held sway as governor of Rivers State. Against all odds, Fubara was anointed and eventually elected governor, owing largely to Wike’s support and endorsement.

Unlike regular fallouts with their godfathers, Fubara couldn’t wait for the various courts to conclude the ongoing litigations on his election. Like a child who’s in a hurry to assert himself, despite his obvious inadequacies, Fubara started uprooting the structures that earned him his victory during the governorship election.

Wike in an extensive interview, has explained reasons behind his face-off with Governor Fubara. Wike who initially said he didn’t want to talk about the matter later declared: “Give a man power and money, that is when you will know the person. If you have not given a man power and money, don’t say you know the person.

“He may be your friend, he may be your son, sister or mother or father. I don’t want to go into that.”

Wike lamented that Fubara could seek to destroy the structure which produced him as governor just within three months of his emergence.

“In three months, it is sad for someone to scatter a political structure that supported and brought you up. You know what is painful? All these allegations, I smile. Who and who sat with him. In all your doings, be grateful in your life no matter the circumstance. Nobody who is a gentleman and a politician will support this kind of thing.

“If they are impeaching you, did you call me? Assuming I’m the one who plotted it, did you say, ‘Sir, they want to impeach me?’ Is that why you will go and send people to burn the hallowed chambers? Is impeachment done in one day? Is it a one-day affair? Then, you raised ethnic politics. We have never had it like this before.

“Let me tell you, I don’t like ingrates; I don’t like it. What is happening now is what Odili said in his book; ‘Give a man power and money, that’s when you will know the person’. If you have not given a man power and money, do not say you know the person.

“I know what people’s states are suffering in terms of debt. Let him go on record whether I left any debt, liability; let them check. I was paying pension and gratuities every month.

“I took Rivers State to the level that you can’t discuss politics in Nigeria without talking about Rivers State. Before I left for example, they had a hospital that was commissioned three days ago,” he said.

Fubara in one of his recent outings, said the face-off was normal, describing it as “nothing wrong if a father and a son have a problem.

“For our dear state, I know everybody is wondering what’s going on, what’s not going on. We are okay, there is no problem.

“If we have an internal issue, it will be resolved and everything will go back to normal. There is nothing wrong if a father and a son have a problem. If there is any problem — but I don’t think there is anything. Whatever it is, we will definitely resolve the issue.”

For Wike and Fubara, it is not yet Uhuru. The contending issues of disloyalty, ongoing impeachment process and Fubara’s stoic stance on allegations raised by Wike, are still pending. For observers, it is a long walk to freedom for Fubara, who may win the sympathy of ordinary Nigerians and lose the real political battle in the end.

Bayelsa

Political betrayal appears to be the forte of politicians in the oil-rich Bayelsa State. Beside former President Goodluck Jonathan whose loyalty to his late predecessor, Diepreye Solomon Peter Alamieyeseigha which was never in doubt, other governors that have presided over the affairs of the state since then have learnt the art of treachery.

First, it was Timipre Sylva, who was accused of aligning with the cabal to undermine Jonathan during the ailing days of late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. After a turbulent first term, Sylva was replaced with an obscure Seriake Dickson, who was then a member of the House of Representatives.

Political pundits believe that Dickson turned out to be Jonathan’s biggest miscalculation as a politician, as the former allegedly undermined him as soon as he left office as President. The icing on the cake was when Dickson took over the structure of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Bayelsa State, despite Jonathan’s active presence.

For Dickson, it appears the chickens have come home to roost. His unassuming successor, Douye Diri, has asserted himself as the godfather of the state. Dickson, who as governor, wielded so much powers, had to battle to secure a return ticket to the Senate in 2022.

At the peak of the political face-off between Dickson and Diri, two groups loyal to both leaders emerged. Prosperity Vanguard (PV) loyal to Diri surfaced. Then, it debunked all the allegations against Diri by the PDP Stakeholders Forum (PSF), another group that worked for Dickson.

The PV has said the former governor, now a senator representing Bayelsa West, unleashed his attack dogs on Diri because he was envious of the rising political profile of the incumbent governor.

Amansintei said those hanging around Dickson were angry that Diri took the bold steps to unify the state, which he said Dickson polarized across ethnic divides of core Ijaw and non- core Ijaw.

He had recalled how the entire state celebrated the exit of Dickson with a song, “King Saul has gone home”, because of his tyrannical approach to governance, but said Diri evolved a new leadership style that had united the state even across political divides.

Amansintei said the then defections of Dickson’s men was propelled by their failures at the primary elections following the decision of Diri that the era of imposing candidates on the people was over.

He had said: “Another thing that is angering Senator Seriake Dickson is the rising profile of Governor Diri, who within his short stay in office has accomplished so much that has endeared him to the people of Bayelsa and outside the state.

“We have long realised that those so-called defectors are prompted by an unimaginable political ego trip at the instance of a self-styled political godfather that promised them automatic tickets.

“Interestingly, they forgot that the era of political decision by one strongman as against strongmen has expired. Their defection has absolutely nothing to do with lack of capacity to manage the party but rather their illusionary belief in the power of one-man’s capacity to move a mountain for them.

“Their defection is in furtherance of their belief that he has the magic wand to make them win in his new found Social Democratic Party (SDP). We want to use this opportunity to request them to come back to their home base because when they fail, the man will abandon them.”

With the recent off-season governorship election in Bayelsa State, both leaders appear to have suspended their cold war, until the next general elections. For Dickson, it may signal the end of the road.

Nasarawa

Nasarawa, like many other states, is often in the news for the wrong reasons. Though the state harbours some of the key ethnic groups in Nigeria, the politics of the nascent state has however not catapulted into meaningful physical developments. Despite its proximity to Abuja, the nation’s capital, Nasarawa is still unable to tap into the many advantages such portends.

Within the politics turf, there has been a brewing cold war between the State Governor, Abdullahi Sule and his predecessor, Tanko Al-Makura. Expectedly, they have repeatedly denied any rift between them. Unfortunately, recent political happenings within and outside the state point to a cold war between the two leaders.

For the duo, they’re no longer at ease. Recent political happenings where the State House of Assembly had set up an adhoc committee to investigate alleged sale of the state’s assets carried out by Al-Makura’s administration has prompted many questions in the minds of followers and supporters of the two leaders.

Pundits have observed that there is no need to deny the obvious in order to understand that the body language of the two leaders speaks volume of the perceived rift between them after the 2023 general elections till date.

The setting up of an adhoc committee following the protest by the state indigenes resident in Lagos under the aegis of Nasarawa State Development Association, Lagos State Chapter has raised questions that gave credence to the cold war between them.

But Al-Makura for the umpteenth time dismissed the speculations of an existence of a rift between him and Sule. Al-Makura, who governed the state from 2011 and handed over to Sule in May 2019, said the discontent is untrue and baseless.

Al-Makura had said: “Speculation is the oil that fuels politics. If there are no speculations and insinuations, then we are not playing politics. There are people who are angling and strategising to have a place in the political space and any opening they have is to create confusion, speculations and all kinds of bad blood in a bid to be close to the seat of power.

“A lot of times, we hear so many fairy tales about me or about the governor, but between me and him, we actually know the dynamics of political activities and that has not taken our commitment, affinity and camaraderie together.

“Whatever you hear is rumour and will remain a rumour. We are together and the relationship between us is cordial.”

According to him, the state is on the right track under Governor Sule, where it has been witnessing unprecedented growth and development.

I want to appeal to all stakeholders to support the governor in his untiring effort to steer the state on the path of development and growth,” he added.

Ironically, even the blind can see the steaming controversy and recent political realignment in the state. Despite the recent travails of the governor, whose ongoing election case in court may earn him a sack, the teething issues are still there.

There are fears that if the Supreme Court sacks Sule as governor of Nasarawa State, the fortunes of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) in the state may nosedive, having suffered a humiliating defeat during the last general elections in the country.

Delta

Political godfatherism in oil-rich Delta State, blossomed for over two decades, under the eagle eyes of James Ibori, who held sway as governor between 1999-2007. But his political dynasty was tested, overstretched and crumbled in 2022, when he failed to produce the successor of the immediate-past governor, Ifeanyi Okowa.

Ibori’s chances of a possible comeback was sealed in March, 2023, when Sheriff Oborevwori won the governorship election. While Ibori’s reign lasted for more than two decades, Okowa’s fairytale godfather position may not survive the next one year, unless an urgent miracle happens.

His successor Oborevwori failed the first litmus test of a ‘loyal’ political godson. Unlike Fubara who couldn’t pretend for three months before he waged a covert war against his predecessor, Wike, Oborevwori appears to have found a convenient way to assert his authority as the new Sheriff in town.

Oborevwori’s relationship with Okowa has worsened, as both have allegedly not been in talking terms in the last few months. The governor, like Fubara, was Okowa’s preferred successor during the 2023 governorship election in the state. Okowa defied all the odds to ensure Oborevwori won the governorship race. He stepped on toes of some PDP members in the state, including his estranged godfather, Ibori.

Barely six three months into his administration, Oborevwori circumvented the appointment list he allegedly agreed on with Okowa. One good instance was the case of the former Commissioner for Information, Charles Aniagwu. According to the purported deal, he was to retain his position, but a few weeks after his appointment, he was moved to the Works Ministry as Commissioner in charge of Rural Development, and a few others.

As expected, the Delta State government has refuted rumours of the supposed ‘cold war’ between Oborevwori and his predecessor, Okowa. The state government dismissed the reports as baseless and a figment of the reporter’s imagination.

Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Festus Ahon, denied the existence of any disagreement between the two political leaders. According to Ahon, the governor and Okowa enjoy a very warm relationship, describing the rumour as total falsehood.

Ahon insisted that the governor holds his predecessor in high regards, and respects his leadership. He said the alleged disagreement over appointment of commissioners is untrue.

For now, these are the glaring rumbles in the jungle fights between godfathers and their predecessors. With barely six months into the administrations of the governors, it is too early to predict. However, more upsets, clashes, betrayal and cracks will surface in the months ahead.

Godswill Akpabio, President of the Senate’s intervention in a recent outing, may give a broader perspective into the issues at stake. He lamented that governors in Nigeria often engage in conflicts with their successors immediately after assuming office. He expressed displeasure with the attitude of some governors towards their successors, stating that there is no former governor who has not had issues with his successor.

He cited the examples of Senator Adams Oshiomhole, Senator Adamu Aliero, and the issue in Ekiti State with Abiodun Oyebanji.

“The Governor of Ekiti state is a great example of what leadership should be. He has remained steadfast. As a governor, the moment you hand over power to your successor, he will turn on you, either his taste will change or his attitude”, Akpabio noted.

A Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Wahab Shittu, said the law empowered the former governors to take lawful decisions on behalf of the state and allows the new governor to review the decisions within legal boundaries.

Shittu said: “According to the 1999 Constitution as amended, all governors are empowered to make decisions and implement them on behalf of their states.

“So, any decision or action taken by a predecessor in office is binding on the new governor. He cannot just wake up and begin to undo the lawful activities of the former administrator, particularly those that affected third parties. To do this is reckless and dictatorial.

“However, these decisions or transactions may be reviewed by a new government to determine if the former abused his power or the action violates the law.” (Daily Sun)

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