The race by elected representatives of the people, to occupy top positions in the 10th National Assembly, has been fierce and riotous. But the dissonance, if not checked, could hurt the legislature’s capacity to make laws for the good governance of the Federation, and to fulfill its obligations to the people as established in the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

The president, following his swearing-in on May 29, 2023, is required by Section 64(3) of the Constitution to proclaim the National Assembly into existence. Thereafter, both houses of the Assembly are empowered by Section 50 (a) and (b) to elect a President and Deputy President as well as Speaker and Deputy Speaker from among themselves.

The reason the mode of electing principal officers of the legislature is expressly spelt out in the constitution is to underscore the essence of separation of powers, which accords lawmakers the privilege and independence to operate a separate branch within the same government. As propounded by Baron de Montesquieu’s The Spirit of the Laws (1748), “There can be no liberty where the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or body of magistrates”.

In practice, however, ruling parties in many democracies always prefer to have input in the election of principal officers in their parliaments. The election of Speaker of the U.S. Congress, for instance, is usually a keen contest between the Democrats and Republicans, because of the power of the Congress to determine the mood and progress in Washington, particularly its power over the Treasury. For weeks now, failure by President Biden and Speaker McCarthy to agree on a statutory debt limit is pushing the country into a looming recession. It is feared that a debt default by the U.S. could have a reverberating impact on the global economy. Significant therein is the power of the Congress!

Similarly, our own National Assembly is equally powerful, if it understands and exercises its powers to regulate the mood in Aso Rock Villa. For instance, the NASS is vested with powers to decide and manage public funds. Section 120(1) provides for a Consolidated Revenue Fund into which all revenues of the State shall be paid. 120(2) states that no monies shall be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund of the State, except it has the authority of the Appropriation Law, an instrument of the National Assembly. This is a powerful oversight tool at the disposal of the legislature.

For cohesion in any government, it is safer to have a legislature that is in tune with other arms of government – executive and Judiciary – while not surrendering its powers to make laws and oversee activities of government. The relationship can be mutually beneficial, such that a ruling party can intrude privately into activities of the legislature without making it too obvious. A ruling party can do a closet monitoring and offer suggestions toward electing principal officers of the legislature. Such ought to be an easy assignment for a party that has character and integrity. A political party that is above board on all matters reserves the privilege to exercise its supremacy over members.

Unfortunately, the All Progressives Congress (APC), just like other parties floated since 1999, is not a self-respecting party, and does not command much respect among its members. The manner it went about picking names and declaring all sorts as its choice of principal officers to lead the next Assembly smirks of arrogant imposition. Assuming the party meant well, with the intention to ameliorate the gross imbalance in its Muslim-Muslim ticket of president and vice president, it went overboard in the manner it recklessly ruled out a certain geo-political zone from the equation. The National Working Committee (NWC) of the party could still have done a tidier job without sounding and appearing so magisterial in a game it does not really have the upper hand.

Recall that for APC, this is a road once taken. And it was rough. In the race to inaugurate the eighth Assembly in 2015, the party, having won that election became rudderless. The leadership vacillated, and went into the coven to plot a sharing formula that lacked equity. That angered the Sarakis and Dogaras, who outsmarted the party by allying with the opposition. Though lessons were learnt in 2019, in the manner the ninth Assembly leaders were elected rancor free, the leadership took its romance with the Executive to an orgiastic level; a fascination that ostracised it from the people.

The Ahmed/Gbajabiamila leadership of the ninth NASS has been largely pliant and docile, having fulfilled its pledge to rubber-stamp whatever emanated from the Executive. The N23 trillion Ways and Means overdraft obtained from the CBN by the Buhari Presidency, without clearance from the NASS, is the classic example of a lame duck legislature. It is an impeachable offence going by the Constitution, but the NASS leadership said since the money had been spent, there was nothing it could do but to give approval, and Buhari can go and sin no more.

The outgoing leadership is also vilified for surrendering its authority to the Executive without raising a finger. On a number of occasions, the NASS summoned members of the Federal Executive Council (FEC), to provide answers to burning national matters, but they were ignored. On the vexed matter of slaughtered 44 rice farmers in Zabarmari, a Borno community by insurgents in November 2020, after shedding crocodile tears in their chambers, the legislators decided to invite President Buhari to answer questions on the bloody murders. The President scornfully ignored the lawmakers and nothing happened.

It is this flirtatious and unproductive relationship between the outgoing NASS and the Executive that drives the demand for a legislature that is not an appendage to the Executive. And that can be done without pulling down the roof. The pursuit of an independent legislature is also not a license for aspirants to principal offices to be unruly and disrespectful of constitutionally approved Federal Character principles.

It is incumbent on those who aspire to lead the National Assembly to be men and women of refinement and candour. They should be officers, who do not have skeletons in their closets, so that they are not distracted by anti-graft agencies, who are sure to come knocking. Principal officers do not enjoy immunity from prosecution, meaning that those who aspire and those who are to vote should be mindful of their actions.

There are allegations that some aspirants to key offices are doling out hundreds of scarce foreign exchange to influence their election. Such conduct that falls below the moral standard should be condemned by all. For a National Assembly whose members are criticised for earning more than they deserved, and their salaries and allowances are shrouded in secrecy, offering bribes to secure prime positions supports the allegation that there is no accountability in both chambers. We call on anti-graft agencies to investigate the allegations and shame culprits.

To this end, we expect robust elections in both houses, to throw up capable officers to steer the Nigerian ship out of the morass of debts, unemployment, high inflation and overwhelming insecurity.

•National Assembly

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