By AMBROSE AKOR

That harmattan night on 31 December 1983, millions of Nigerians, who gathered around their radio sets, were enthralled by the strident voice detailing the failings of the past governments. The man behind the voice charted an assured, precise direction for a new Nigeria. The voice was as austere as the man behind it, the message was revolutionary and there and then marked the beginning of the creation of a “messianic” Muhammadu Buhari. In and out of government, Buhari has led Nigerians on a nightmarish course of an illusionary hope of a “new nation” under his leadership.

Finally, that illusion will come to an end on 29 May 2023 when his second term as a democratic (some will say “democratic”) president will end. For a sizeable number of Nigerians (and, possibly, including the man himself) 29 May 2023 cannot come quick enough. That hope upon hope, as Nigerians like to describe illusive aspirations, will come to an end on that day when a new man or woman will take over the presidency of Nigeria. That day will mark a great new beginning for Nigeria – no matter who or which party is in power from then going forward. I will explain why this will be the case.

From his messianic image, which started that December night, to the nightmarish state of Nigeria under his rulership today, Buhari has taught Nigerians that it is foolish to engage in hero worshipping of politicians – military or civilian. The lesson he taught Nigerians on that front is to have a healthier scepticism or even a deeper mistrust of politicians. That will be the perception Nigerians will have of their next president. Going forward, in Nigerian politics, the messiah syndrome that Buhari thrived on will be dead and buried. Granted, so much damage has already been done because of that false messiahship.

Based on that false promise and reverential loyalty, the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), handed Buhari the degree of control no other Nigerian president has had on his political party. Others before him deferred to scores of strong political leaders and power blocks (“or line ups”) within political parties, which compelled previous presidents to try to lead with a collegiate of political leaders.

Buhari has been a total leader of Nigeria. His control of the APC has been more absolute – even to a degree that, by fiat, he has reorganized the party leadership with little or no consultation. He is not answerable to the party that put him in office. That idea is foreign to Nigerian politics and will end with Buhari’s presidency on 29 May 2023.

Being so overrated, Buhari has disappointed his own party members and supporters, to the level that his former defenders are too ashamed or have given up on defending the indefensible postponement of the promised “change” and the promised land. More frustrating for them is that they have been unable to do anything about the situation. Many of his own party members fear him.

Not less scared of Buhari are members of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), who have been routinely harassed, imprisoned, tried in the media, and have had their properties seized by the amorphous Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) – on Buhari’s prompting! Opposition has been barely existent since Buhari’s first term as president started on 29 May 2015. Again, that is alien to Nigerian politics. With Buhari out of the picture, I am sure that politicians of all political parties will return to politics as it was known, to debate and criticize vigorously.

The current comatose state of Nigerian politics has had more far-reaching consequences. The National Assembly has been ineffective in its oversight role of the Buhari presidency. With unabashed, undemocratic tactics, he repeatedly intimidated the leadership of the assembly between 2015 and 2019.

The experience of that era prompted the current crop of federal legislators to play safe and avoid any form of confrontation with Buhari by approving any bill or request he puts before them, including foreign loans. That posture, to a large extent, has been taken to ensure that Buhari does not deny them of their entitlements or send EFCC after members.

Such a level of subservience was unimaginable in a legislature with the Chuba Okadigbos, Abraham Adesanyas, Joseph Tarkas, and Aminu Kanos of years gone by. Politicians of all shades surely look forward to the return of a vibrant legislature, especially one that will demand for answers without fear of intimidation and, at least, expect ministers to appear before them when summoned.

More broadly, that would mean that whoever takes over from Buhari, unlike the outgoing president, would work hard to earn Nigerians’ trust rather demand glorification. That is important in a different way. No serious vision, plan or road map has been provided to Nigerians since 2015 in a clear mark of disrespect for citizens. Buhari sees the presidency as a throne rather than a job which demands that certain targets must be met to keep the position.

An extension of Buhari’s nonchalant attitude is shown in how he makes government or public service appointments. Rather than attempt to appoint the best possible candidates into positions to address Nigeria’s multiple problems, Buhari routinely appoints northern, Muslim candidates into key positions, including national security positions, without any qualms or regards to constitutional demands that appointments should reflect a national character or spread.

The parochial appointments have reached such an embarrassing level that the same northern Muslims, who are beneficiaries of Buhari’s parochialism, are criticising him and are regularly warning that continuing in that vein was a threat to Nigeria’s unity and survival as a nation. There is not a chance that the next president would be so insensitive or have the effrontery to behave in such an abhorrent manner.

The same inclinations have posed a roadblock to any attempt to resolve the perennial conflicts between farmers and Fulani herders in Nigeria. Buhari’s unceasing inability to speak to this problem as a Nigerian president rather than as a Fulani has made the matter worse. The next president, who, certainly will not be a Fulani, will, at a least, return this issue to where it was before the arrival of Buhari – where the itinerant Fulani herders would not see themselves as having an upper hand but will be ready to deal and negotiate with their host communities.

Masked by Buhari’s insensitivity, in the face of a plethora of conflicts and other issues affecting citizens, are his incompetence, provincialism, and limited intellectual depth. People wrap his irresponsiveness to issues to the latter reason and overlook his mean streak. He has demonstrated that he cannot empathise with suffering Nigerians. Before him, economic, social, and national security policies have been framed in response to citizens’ strains, possibly for optics. I cannot see any prospective presidential candidate in the horizon capable of showing Buhari’s level of insensitivity.

Yes, it is obvious that Nigeria has a mountain of problems, including incompetent, corrupt politicians. Instead of addressing those problems as he promised on that harmattan night in December 1983, Buhari became part of all those problems and worse. The Buhari problem which has weighed enormously on the lives of Nigerians since he emerged as military head of state that December night will end on 29 May 2023. Millions, including his foes and supporters, who are tired of defending his deceptive messiahship, insensitivity, laziness, and incompetence cannot wait for that day to come. Nigeria cannot possibly get worse after 40 years of Buhari’s failed messiahship.

•Dr Akor, a geopolitical risks researcher and analyst, wrote from London.

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